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Review: This Present Darkness

67640955-61EF-4269-BDD0-B4C4C790FF34.jpgThis Present Darkess is a fun little book, but it’s a novel and not a book about theology. Indeed, if you think about the theology too hard it all kind of falls apart.

Let’s do it anyway.

The book, for those of you who haven’t read it (you should; it’s a good romp if a mite predictable), is the story of a small town being overrun by demonic forces, and the people and angels who drive those demons out. The rest of this is full of spoilers, so if you care about such things you should stop reading now.

It’s got some silliness inherent in its origin; the bad guy is a conglomeration of everything the Religious Right feared in the early eighties (the UN, psychics, foreigners, video games, and academics all play a part), and the portrayal of some aspects of the world are odd thirty years on (cell phones really changed the suspense genre), but it holds up pretty well.

I do want to point out one bit of hysteria that’s notable for it’s absence, though: Marshall, one of the main protagonists, is a journalist hot on the trail of the real story, bravely standing up against corruption, trying to find a calm place for this family after leaving… the New York Times. Today he’d be from Fox News. Or the AP, or something. But not the Grey Lady; she’s too liberal.

Hank, a small-church pastor and the other protagonist, is bland to the point of boredom. He’s a praying man (which gives him power to expel the demons, which is handy), and he’s standing up to the corrupt board members, but his strong faith defines him so much that he’s got no conflict and no character. He’s a goody two shoes, which makes him useful, but not interesting.

But Marshall is enough to drive the story, and largely does. He’s screwed up and conflicted, trying to slow life down from his previous hunt-the-big-story days by moving to a small town, but caught up in something bigger than he bargained for. He’s doubtful and cynical and smart, and makes a very good vehicle to explore the town. His efforts to get to the bottom of everything are what makes the plotline move.

The plotline is mostly good, but does get a little muddled. The demonic forces want to take over Ashton, the small town where all the action happens, but it’s never made clear why that’s a reasonable goal. The college in town is largely theirs already (book learnin’ jus’ makes ya forget yer Bible!), and it’s implied that they could use the town as some sort of base of operations, but it’s directly stated that there are other towns that the demons already control, and it’s never said why this town is special enough to merit the showdown that the book describes.

More problematic, though, is how the book describes the spiritual warriors that are the reason the book stands out from most suspense novels.

The demons are split into two categories: most of them are named for some dark deed (Divination, Fortune Telling) or inclination (Lust, Deception), but some have proper names and rule over the others (Rafar, Lucius, The Strongman). The demons are always intimidating each other and jostling for rank; there’s a lot of infighting and back biting, with predictable results. But the demons are also always scheming and plotting; they take matters into their own hands and use their initiative to catch the good guys flat footed and turn the situation to their advantage. The demons can scare the humans and screw up their lives by latching onto them and eventually possessing them.

The angels, meanwhile, are hiding. They come into town and keep a low profile, and protect Hank and his church buddies. They’re always seeking “prayer cover” to help them in their fight against the demons. They talk about God and his foreknowledge, but they seem rather unsure of their own plans. They never, ever take the initiative, because they want the humans to get everything done; they step in to protect and to aid, but never to do it themselves.

This is necessary to make the narrative work; the demons have to look like they’re going to win, or the book would be a very long series of uninteresting routs. And the forces of darkness appear to be doing well for most of the book: they’re screwing things up, pushing the town closer to the brink and making life more miserable, while the Angels stand by and do very little (sometimes intentionally, sometimes because the demons overpower them). But this is rather troubling theologically; if the Angels are present, why can’t they manage to win anything?

This is a small subset of the larger problems with this kind of Spiritual Warfare: it moves the focus off the battle for souls and puts it onto an actual battle. The tactics and strategies used by the Angels and the Demons become more interesting (and more influential) than the actual people that should be the whole point. The humans need to be the ones resisting, and they need to be able to do so with or without angelic assistance. Demons reaching into the humans’ minds and convincing them to follow bad theology breaks the primal role of man making the right decisions. And perhaps most important of all, the battle only makes sense if there’s a possibility that it can be decisive; God has to be in a position to lose, or neither side will show up on the battlefield. But putting God in that position is difficult to pull off, since you have to have a pretty bizarre reading of Revelation to think that these battles happen and that a divine loss is a possibility.

But even with this Amazing Unravelling Armageddon Thread, this book is a well-executed suspense novel intertwined with a neat supernatural complication that’s well written if a little kooky at times. If you take it for what it is and don’t try to read too much into it, it’s an enjoyable read.

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Review: The Hijacking of Jesus

hijacking-of-jesus.jpegThe Hijacking of Jesus is a thin little book about how religion became a polarized political battle zone, and what to do about it.

The book is a curious beast, though: it has a meandering style that belies the tour-of-the-countryside method of a magazine writer, which Wakefield is. This can work in a longer piece, but only if there is some thread tying the whole together; some theme that the author seems to be following that drives the tour forward. Wakefield fails to deliver that. Instead, he delivers a book with a few excellent chapters, a great overview of the history, and a total lack of a thesis.

He definitely has opinions: he’s against the Moral Majority and especially against Dobson, Falwell, and D. James Kennedy; he’s pro-choice; he’s pro-gay-rights; he’s against megachurches (for somewhat mysterious reasons having to do with their having production values); he’s a big fan of Jim Wallis and William Sloan Coffin; he’s for collaborating with people even if you disagree on some things.

But what he fails to do is tie all that together into something more than “Mainline Churches Good; Evangelical Churches Bad.”

In those places where he’s not expected to make a point, however, this is fine: his history is great and exhaustive (chapter four is almost worth the cover price by itself) and his theology is well put (and excellently contrasted with the pro-war, pro-control, pro-discrimination Evangelical mindset).

But even here the tour guide motif sometimes runs dry. The thrust of the book is the takeover of religion by the right and the atrophy of the Mainline Churches, but Wakefield fails to make a case for what drove the Mainlines out. He theorizes that it might have been watered down theology in favor of social activism, or maybe too much theology and not enough activism, or perhaps not enough of either. But his indecision on this point ultimately hurts his case when he tries to say what the problem was and how it should be fixed.

His discussion of the wedge issues is better; he identifies abortion and gay rights as the tools of the trade here (and civil rights and the Vietnam War as their historical antecedents). He quotes the rather balanced United Methodist Church statement on abortion, and notes that it is a battleground being fought over by the Institute for Religion and Democracy, which is attempting to take over the UMC from the inside and refashion a historically Mainline church into a more Evangelical one. And he talks about gay rights as the “line in the sand” that evangelicals are not willing to cross, after giving in (in his telling, reluctantly) on “integration” and “women’s ordination.” (p122)

But when the historical path crosses the current wedges and enters the future battles, the book largely falls apart. His history casts the Evangelicals as aggressive and theologically misguided, but it’s hard to say that they were doing anything more than attempting to spread what they saw as the truth. The utter collapse of the Mainline churches is the heart of the matter, along with the parallel collapse of the Dixiecrat coalition, which leads to a similar shift in the political arena (although this parallel receives very little attention in the book). And since he has failed to assign blame on the Mainliners for anything, the problem cannot reveal itself to be solved.

Instead, the final chapters of the book talk about how various groups– Jim Wallis’ Sojourners and Michael Lerner’s Tikkun foremost among them– are mobilizing to confront the horrors yet to be visited on us by the Republican administration that’s now out of power. We’re told of the gathering forces and how many people are on their email lists, but not how these lists are supposed to revitalize a flagging tradition with new blood and new ideas. Their focus on “poverty, environment, equality” seems good to me, but at the same time seems like exactly the things that no one in the largely-Republican Evangelical community is going to cross the church aisle for.

Ultimately, then, this book is a poor substitute for Jim Wallis’ God’s Politics, a much more actionable take down of the idea of a politicalized religion, whose aim is not to inform you of how we got here (for that, Hijacking is better), but instead to point the way forward, and hope that we can get there.

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The Shack

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The Shack (Amazon Link) is this big little book that is really popular in Evangelical circles of late. Eugene Peterson compared its potential impact to Pilgrims Progress. My mom bought a copy and I read it.

This entire entry is chock full of spoilers for The Shack, so you shouldn’t read it if you care about that kind of thing.

It’s interesting in a number of vectors. The backstory is neat; some guy wrote it and no one wanted to publish it so he did it himself and it’s been a great success for him. The conceit is clever; guy loses a young daughter to violence and then is invited to talk to God about it. And the fervency is admirable: it is not shy about making big statements of theology.

I want to talk about this book in three almost completely unrelated ways: as a work of fiction, as a work of theology, and as a polemic. The first two are obvious; this book is shelved with the novels, probably in the Christian section. But the last is more subtle; if you read closely there’s an undercurrent of thought that propels the entirety of the narrative, and that undercurrent is more interesting– and more troubling– than the other two aspects.

As Literature

Let’s say this right away: The Shack is not very well written. Young is overfond of flowery language and tends to emphasize narration when it’s unimportant and deemphasize it when it is.

Nearly the first half of the book is the backstory of how Mack, our main character, gets to the Shack. There are moments where the story flows along nicely (the abduction/chase sequence is well done), but overall it relies too heavily on a sense of foreboding that is utterly destroyed by reading the jacket cover, or thinking for a moment about what’s going to happen to make the story work.

Mack, the main character, is boring and confused. His entire personality is the fact that his daughter was abducted, and he has very little depth beyond that despite getting an entire foreword dedicated to telling you how awesome he is. Said foreword tries to sell him as a scholar and a gentleman; a man of the world who’s been in a war and gone to seminary. But the rest of the book tries to treat him as an everyman, making him astounded at simple theology and failing the reader by not bringing up the sometimes obvious follow-on questions.

But none of that really matters, because The Shack is a novel only as a ruse to get you to read its views on Theology.

As Theology

The heart of this book is the theology, and it’s got a lot.

But just as Young can’t decide if Mack is a scholar or an everyman, he seems unsure about how to present his theology. To give it power, he puts the words in the mouths of his trinitarian characters. But to make that work, they need to make the theology sound like second nature; there’s nothing interesting in it for them; they live it. To counterbalance that and make sure the reader understands that these are Big Ideas™, Young then dumbs down Mack and makes him the incredulous human who receives each bit of doctrine as if he had never thought that way before.

This approach would work if the doctrine was some radical rethinking of Christianity, but it’s simply not. It’s presented in an interesting way, and given some emphasis that makes it easy to convey (and here Young does well), but the vast majority are things that I was familiar with from my Westmont Religious Studies Department schooling (GE track!), and it was disappointing when the gone-to-seminary Mack is made to know none of it.

That said, let’s just be explicit about where the book does and does not focus.

Quite a bit is about the nature of God, which is a good thing to talk about when three of your four main characters are God. Young hits the high points; God is better than we can imagine (Young explicitly disavows the Anselmian greatest-possible-composite-of-attributes Godhead), essentially mysterious, trinitarian with three co-equal persons, and the trinity is necessary because it allows God to be in a relationship.

Relationships, it quickly becomes obvious, are the center of Young’s theology. The trinity is a model of the relationship man is to have with God: trusting and loving the other and allowing them to work in you. Independence, seen in this light, is a subversion of the relationship where one party (that’s the humans) fails to love or trust and takes everything into their own hands.

More explicitly, Jesus is a model of the proper relationship; in this telling, Jesus is fully God but his kenosis means that “he has never drawn upon his nature as God to do anything” (p99); instead, God-the-Father (Elousia, in this telling) works through Jesus to accomplish everything: “so when you look at Jesus and it appears that he’s flying, he really is… flying. But what you are actually seeing is me; my life in him. That’s how he lives and acts as a true human, how every human is designed to live–out of my life.” (p100). This brings up all sorts of thorny issues (did Jesus pre-incarnation “draw upon his nature”? if not, how did he survive? where “was” he? does this break immutability, which is also ascribed to God? If the Father is doing the work, doesn’t the Father have the agency in his actions, thus making Jesus not only impotent but also pointless?), but Young sadly ignores these entirely. It’s not what the book is about, so it’s understandable, but it’s disappointing all the same.

Man is kind of problematic in this whole deal, though. “Never creating at all” was “never under consideration;” (p222) “we created you… to be in face-to-face relationship with us” (p124). So man is supposed to be in relationship with God, but at the same time God “has never placed an expectation on [Mack] or anyone else.” (p206) This is the point where I jumped off the rails. Expectations are necessary, or the whole unravels. Sin is a failure to live up to expectations. Righteous Anger is either impossible or stupid without an unmet expectation of something better. No expectations and the perfect foresight attributed to God in this narrative cannot mesh; either God knows what’s coming and therefore expects it, or he does not know and does not expect it. The small sliver of middle ground here is redefining “expect” to imply uncertainty, but Young doesn’t try this trick, which is good because it would be a lame word play that wouldn’t solve the basic problem of God wanting one thing (good on everybody!) and reality being another (evil happens).

Because the big issue that this book attempts to tackle is our old friend the problem of evil. There are really two and a half problems here, so let’s look at each in turn.

First, Young wants to make sure that defining evil is left to God, because humans tend to make it “pretty subjective” (p134) and “become the judge” (p135) based on how things affect them. So feelings aren’t a good guide here, but Young also dismisses “following the rules” to “do good and avoid evil” by “reading the Bible” with the Holy Spirit saying “How’s that working out for you?” (p197) Instead, Young wants us to rely on God to define evil and we will respond to that… somehow. How word reaches you what is good and what is evil is left unsaid, except that what you think and what you read are suspect, which kind of leaves nothing.

Far more fruitful is the second tack, which talks about the moral calculus of evil. “Everything that has taken place is occurring exactly according to this purpose [to bring mankind into relationship].” sayeth the Lord (p124). But Mack, for once, pushes back: “How can you say that with all the pain in this world, all the wars and disasters that destroy thousands? And what is the value in a little girl being murdered by some twisted deviant?” (p125) God, in reply, claims to “use every choice you make for the ultimate good and the most loving outcome,” which is a weak assertion of Leibniz’s best-possible-world idea, which is stunning in its simplicity and horrifying in its failure to assuage any of the revulsion of the problem of evil. “But the cost!” Mack says, bringing that revulsion to bear, “Look at the cost… is all sounds like the end justifies the means… I can’t imagine any final outcome that would justify this.” (p125-7). God then makes a distinction that makes all the difference: “We’re not justifying it. We are redeeming it.” Justification implies a balancing of the whole’s benefits with the whole’s costs. Redeeming, though, is a holistic making-better: each individual part becomes justified in and of itself.

The final subset of the problem of evil bleeds directly into the last major theological point, which Young tries to avoid but runs roughshod over instead: free will. Multiple times Young’s godhead assert that free will is ascendant, and that free will is never trampled on or limited. But repeatedly, God is seen as omniscient about future outcomes (see p187 for an example), which requires all decisions to be predestined, which in turn robs the humans of agency for their actions. If they have no choice in the matter, they cannot be properly blamed for the outcomes; that blame shifts to God, and the book makes it very explicit that judging God is a big mistake that boils down to putting yourself in God’s place. This little knot is taut; given the assumptions the book makes there is no way to make all these assertions correct, but the book doesn’t seem to notice in the slightest.

As an Artifact of the Right

Underneath all of this, however, is an incorrect understanding of how the world works that is very prevalent in today’s political right: railing against institutions as the bad guys without realizing that the institution is just us, in aggregate. Here is a little speech put into Jesus’ mouth:

I’m not too big on religion… and not very fond of politics or economics either. And why should I be? They are the man-created trinity of terrors that ravages the earth and deceives those I care about. What mental turmoil and anxiety does any human face that is not related to one of those three?… Put simply, these terrors are tools that many use to prop up their illusions of security and control… Systems cannot provide you security, only I can. (p179)

This anti-establishment vibe is incredibly strong throughout the book. We are told that “power in the hands of independent humans… does corrupt” (p148), and that “first one person, and then a few, and finally even many are easily sacrificed for the good and ongoing existence of [a] system” (p123) and that “educated Westerners’ access to God was mediated and controlled by the intelligencia.” (p66) Science is belittled at every turn; “what you call science” (p132) is puny; “some say” (p34) the Earth is nine million years old, and Eden was real (p134). Mack’s wife’s “black and white” view of the world is “common sense” (p11).

Instead of systems and establishments, Young wants relationships. But politics and economics aren’t systems; they’re attempts to understand how groups of people interact. Pretending that a thousand people can rule themselves with relationships that don’t complicate into politics isn’t idealism; it’s a willful denial of how people work.

This is my biggest problem with the book; not it’s anodyne theology pretending to be great insights, but that it takes one of humanity’s great strengths– our ability to compound relationships into larger and more complicated things– and pretends that doing so is not a powerful extension of relationships but is rather a perversion of it that hollows out the benefit and provides nothing in return.

Politics, Economics and Religion are how humanity interacts with each other on the grand scale; it is not a substitute for the smaller scale, but it is the small scale continued in other means. My church does charity work that I would never be able to do alone; my government promotes the general welfare in ways that none of us could accomplish by ourselves. These help real people, and in so doing make the world a better place. Does God not care about that?

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My State of the Union

If I were the President’s voice, this is the speech I would give next Wednesday.

Ladies and Gentleman, Good Evening.

Let us get straight to the point: the State of our Union is dire.

We are on a precipice and we are teetering. Our past is catching up to us, and our future is uncertain. Our politics is constrained by nihilism and cowardice, and we have spent too long not getting anything done.

It is time for that to change. We must stand together and face our problems, or we allow ourselves to be swept over the edge into the abyss.

We face a host of problems and we should be clear about what they are. For too long we have allowed the screaming heads on television to cloud the issues and pretend that the status quo is good enough; to confuse us into inaction; to slow down the arc of history’s slow bending toward justice.

We face a deficit that is too large, with income cut too small by an overzealous era of tax cutting when we couldn’t afford it and expenses growing too large as health care speeds us toward the brink.

We have an economy that is overbalanced, with fat cats in finance earning obscene amounts of money while too many of our fellow citizens lose their jobs, their homes, and their security.

We have ignored too long a looming disaster as our actions change the very world around us and hurt our planet, with effects that will cause the deaths of hundreds of thousands.

But most dangerous of all, we have a divided country that cannot even agree on what the problems are. We are too blinded by ideology and too constrained by our struggle for power to come together to even talk about solutions. We cannot find it in ourselves to put aside our childish bickering and come to an accord on how to move forward, so instead we chase each other around in circles in hopes that the other guy is smiling at the cameras when the world explodes.

It is time for that to change.

During the course of the campaign and during my presidency, I have traveled all across this country and heard heart-breaking stories about families who were bankrupt because they got sick. I have heard stories of families who lacked insurance and needed it, who had health insurance that disappeared when they needed it, who could not get insurance because they needed it. And those people are the reason that I have spent the first year of my presidency trying to make our health care system better with the bill that the House now can and should pass, because the people of this great nation deserve it.

The people.

Remember the people? They’re the one’s we’re supposed to be here for. We’re the “people’s servants.” We’re not called into office as a game to see who can stick around the longest, or who can get the nicest office in the Capitol Building. We’re supposed to be working toward a More Perfect Union, providing for the Common Defense, and Promoting the General Welfare.

How much of that have we done lately?

It is time for that to change.

I am calling tonight for an end to the bickering. I am calling instead for the best and the brightest to come forward with your ideas and your commitment and to lay them on the line when your country needs them. It is time for us to come together and make our country work again by acting to solve our problems instead of acting like we don’t have any.

Making our country work again is not going to be easy and it is not going to be painless. It is going to hurt a lot and it is going to upset some people who are quite happy with the way that things are. But we must live up to the dreams we have instead of the fears we harbor. We must stop being afraid of our problems and instead work to end them.

That work starts by making it possible to act. Our current system is tied into knots trying to avoid action, and our first act must be to loosen those knots and set ourselves free to be a great country again.

We must streamline our legislature by ending the filibuster, which allows a tiny minority of the country–a bit less than ten percent–to turn a debate over the issues into a cul-de-sac. A majority of Americans elected me to my position, a majority of your constituents elected you, and a majority of you should be able to move us to a More Perfect Union. This is why I support ending the filibuster immediately, but fully support an elimination far enough in the future that no one party will be the guaranteed benefactor of the change.

So, too, must we eliminate the Senate’s practice of the “hold.” This is a procedural tactic that allows a single Senator to bring action to a halt. Holds are the reason why so much of my administration is working without heads of departments or proper staffs. Holds literally hollow out our nation’s ability to act. We should end holds not next Congress or next year, but immediately.

We must find a way to move toward a balanced budget. The health care bill has since its first draft been a budget reducing bill, but we need more. That is why I support a blue ribbon committee chartered with the goal of raising revenue by 2% and lowering expenses by 2% over the next five years. They should take a hard look at streamlining our tax system to remove some of the loopholes while lowering the tax rate. They should have a final proposal by December that would require a vote before the next Congress is seated. And the next Congress should have their own committee with the same goals, as should the congress after that, and the one after that, and the one after that until we find a way to live within our means.

The surest way to help our budget is to jumpstart the economy again. In dark times the government steps in–as it should–to fill the void. Medicare helps those who need health care. Social Security helps those whose retirements were consumed by catastrophe. Unemployment helps those who are hit directly with the loss of their job. Each of these helps our General Welfare; all of these are necessary and proper roles for us to fill, and all of them are cheaper when times are good and fewer people need a helping hand.

Toward that end I am proposing the creation of a permanent Infrastructure Bank. This new agency would finance large construction projects over the entire country, so that the nation that built Hoover Dam and the Eerie Canal can continue building great things that push us forward. Part of the agency’s charter would be counter-cyclical spending: when times are tough, the Infrastructure Bank should ramp up production to put unemployed people to work making our country a better place.

We must also work to limit the power held by a few financiers to put our economy in peril. If you are too big to fail, you are too big. We gave you a loan to avoid the worst possible outcomes, and now we want our money back, but we also need to make sure this can never happen again. My proposal to tax large banks and my request for authority to limit bank’s size will give us the tools needed to make that assurance. But we also need the ability to unwind those banks who are already too big in case they should find themselves once more imperiled and imperiling; Congress must empower the Department of the Treasury with that ability as soon as possible.

But what we must do more than anything is begin to listen to each other again. We must begin again to act like grown ups, to seize our Manifest Destiny and ride it to the greater heights that we can now only dream of.

For too long we have allowed our greater glories to be relegated to the past, to believe that our best days were behind us and that the world is too dangerous for us to brave the frontiers of the possible again.

And it is long past time for that to change.

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All Growned Up

I remember when I got the last payment for my Kia Rio in the mail. It was autumn 2006, and we were still living at Versailles on the Lake, which meant I picked up the mail on my way to the apartment after work.

In autumn 2006, Sonja was pregnant, we were looking to buy a house, and I was pretty happy with my job at ACS. We were doing alright.

And I can remember coming across that last payment for that car and thinking “Wow; I own my car. I’m all growned up now.” None of those other things had pushed me over that mental threshold; it took paying off my cheap Korean car.

We took Dewey (that’s the Rio’s name) in to the shop last week and were told that my $10k college car needed $2.5k work done. We balked. That was a bit ridiculous: was it worth putting that much money into the car at this point?

And so we unexpectedly found ourselves looking at new cars last Wednesday. I have long wanted a Prius, so that was where we started, and that was where we were Saturday when we were test-driving, and that was where we ended up. We got a Silver Pine Mica Prius with Option Pack #6 (the works).

I’m very excited. It’s a big tech toy I can drive!

But what struck me as we went through the process was how totally, totally different it was since the last time I was buying a car, back in 2002 when I was in college and buying Dewey, my first car. Then, I had gone out looking for something crazy cheap. I had gotten a terrible rate for the financing. I had co-signed the loan with my parents. And I was giddy with the possibility of buying a car, and I am painfully aware that it showed and I got a worse deal because of it.

But this time, we went out looking for a specific model of car that we had researched online quite extensively. I kept my excitement in check. The dealer treated us better, and we got a much better deal on the car. We were laughing with the financing guy and telling jokes back and forth. It felt like, well, I felt all growned up.

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Fantastic Contraption May Kill Me Yet

I was up until 3am last night playing Fantastic Contraption. My name is Seth and I’m an addict.

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Voting

Just returned from a short walk with my wife and daughter to drop off our absentee ballots here in Costa Mesa. There was some rain this morning, so the ground is wet and the trees are dripping, but it’s blue skies now. There was no line (it’s mid-morning; everyone is at work) but all the machines were in use. We just dropped off our sealed envelopes, watched the poll worker drop them into the large cardboard box, and got our stickers.

All pretty normal, but the poll worker was probably 18. So were two of the other volunteers, in addition to the four senior citizens who are there normally. It was an interesting–and revealing–Change.

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W

For a move titled “W”, it would seem that more attention would be paid to the 43rd president.

Instead, the most interesting parts of “W” are when we get to see how those around him react to him. The narrative follows Bush the Younger (played uncannily by Josh Brolin), but in almost every scene he is–instead of the initiator– the catalyst that pushes the other characters to show us who they are.

We see Condi Rice being the obedient yes man, never offering an opinion and mirroring the President’s petulant rage when Brent Snowcroft– Brent Snowcroft, her mentor– writes about what a bad idea a war with Iraq is.

We see 41 (“Poppy”) saddened and confused and simply overwhelmed by the tide of history as he is swept aside despite “winning that war.” And to add insult to obvious injury, his screw-up son steps into office and, well, screws up.

We see Dick Cheney bring up torture over lunch (“Wow,” you think to yourself, “that guy is a dick”).

We see Donald Rumsfeld talk airily about everything, without ever touching ground or making much of a point.

But most impactfully, we see Colin Powell struggle as he is overruled and outgunned in his fight against the war. We see him deny himself in order to support the president, and we see him capitulate in the worst way at the worst moment. When Cheney tells him “I think you made the bigger boo-boo: you could have been president” (“Fuck you,” says Powell) we see both how much that cost us as a nation, and we realize deeply how painful such a Powell Presidency, unwilling to take a stand, could have been.

The history, of course, is chopped up into slaw and stirred liberally to put quotes in the wrong places and scenes in an orderly narrative line. But this is not a movie about history. If it were, it would feature the 2000 election as more than a throw away line. It would show how Karen Hughes balanced Karl Rove to season the conservatism with compassion. It would feature 9/11 as more than a talking point.

But “W” is about Dubya. And Dubya never cared that he squeaked into office. Karen Hughes had a single success– No Child Left Behind– and then faded into the background.

9/11 is, however, a notable omission. Bush was going nowhere before 9/11. It transformed Bush the man and Bush the presidency, and started both on the trajectory that the movie traces. But putting the events of that morning onscreen was, I think, simply unnecessary. It would have further polarized an already polarizing movie, and taken away focus on who the players were that reacted to the crisis. “W” is stronger because it doesn’t get distracted by the single biggest event of W’s presidency, and instead focuses on the long, messy aftermath.

And though we don’t see Bush as a man of action, we see how much his reactive worldview has hurt. He is content and even happy with these people who surround him, from the bumbling to the incompetent to the downright evil. By drawing the line between “the good guys” and “the bad guys” and assuming that he and everyone he knew was on one side, he let a profound opportunity slip by: he could have been a uniter. He could have been the compassionate everyman that led by example in dark times. He could have been the one who faced down evil and, by resolve and will, brought the world together and waited for the other guy to blink. George W. Bush could have been a great president. And this is the story of how he went about not being one.

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David Lynch Directs My Dreams

A woman walks into a church. It is the kind of building evangelicals build, with minimal adornments and built to be as big as possible. It is completely empty as the preacher at the pulpit drones on.

After a while, the woman goes outside, where a huge crowd is gathered. Out of a trailer comes another woman, The Performer. She straps on wings and flies above the crowd, to the delight of all. The crowd disperses.

Two men are sitting inside the church, which has been hastily converted into a restaurant. They are eating oddly crunchy salads while The Interviewer asks The Interviewee about Hollywood. The Interviewer laughs at the replies.

The Interviewee mentions that this restaurant is usually pretty bad, but tonight it is rather good. The Interviewer notes that he put a brick at the door when he arrived, which is how you make the restaurant good while you are inside. In a flashback we see that this is a lie; the woman from the church actually put the brick there.

Dinner done, the men walk outside, and look over the cliff there. One of the men turns out to be me, and one of them is my friend Dustin. Joined by our wives, we look out over the cliff (it is now midday, so the view is very nice) to see a quaint italian town.

Our attention is drawn to one building in particular, which is rotating at a furious pace. Inside, there is a wedding going on. The Bride is dressed in a too-large gown with a train that takes up most of the room. She tells The Wedding Guests to shoo out The Dog, who is intruding on the party. The Guests oblige.

The Dog, now outside, is reveled to not be a real dog, but a life-sized stuffed dog. He wanders the streets as those of us on the cliff narrate his journey. He runs into The Clown, also a toy.

In fact, those of us on the cliff are now– in the same positions– watching the scene in a toy store window. We laugh.

I wake up. I wonder what the hell that was all about.

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Sloganeering for Obama

Obama is struggling to condense his economic policy into a sound bite. The long version:

So I asked Obama whether he thought he had been able to tell an effective story about the economy during this campaign. Specifically, I wondered, did he think he had a message that compared with Reagan’s simple call for less government and lower taxes.

He paused for a few seconds and then said this:

“I think I can tell a pretty simple story. Ronald Reagan ushered in an era that reasserted the marketplace and freedom. He made people aware of the cost involved of government regulation or at least a command-and-control-style regulation regime. Bill Clinton to some extent continued that pattern, although he may have smoothed out the edges of it. And George Bush took Ronald Reagan’s insight and ran it over a cliff. And so I think the simple way of telling the story is that when Bill Clinton said the era of big government is over, he wasn’t arguing for an era of no government. So what we need to bring about is the end of the era of unresponsive and inefficient government and short-term thinking in government, so that the government is laying the groundwork, the framework, the foundation for the market to operate effectively and for every single individual to be able to be connected with that market and to succeed in that market. And it’s now a global marketplace.

“Now, that’s the story. Now, telling it elegantly — ‘low taxes, smaller government’ — the way the Republicans have, I think is more of a challenge.”

(Via Andrew Sullivan.)

A suggestion:

The era of incompetent government is over.
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